Everyone should keep their full fruits of his labor. This means that no other individual can steal the products produced from labor. This also means that no individual can take his produce without the producer's consent, even if he compensated the theft with some other good. This should be prohibited because no one, except the producer, can estimate how much labor was involved in producing the product. Should the stealer underestimate the effort the producer labored, the stealer would compensate with an undervalued good. This causes the producer to lose some of his hard work because the compensation has lower value than the original, which ultimately contradicts the assumption that everyone should keep his full fruits of his labor. This unconsented transaction is called
theft.
A solution to this problem is to use mutual consent. In an event that someone offers to take the producer's good with a compensation, the producer must agree to judge whether the compensation is acceptable. If the producer disagreed with the compensation, then the exchange must not take place. If this transaction actually took place even if the producer disagreed, then the producer would have lost some of his labor as
theft.
Private property rights is a
negative liberty, which is the freedom from interference from others. This is contrasted from positive liberty, which means an obligation for individuals to use their labor to help others.
Individualism is the doctrine that every individual must have negative rights without any positive rights, even though positive rights may "benefit the majority."
Collectivism, however, is the doctrine that everyone must have some positive obligations, usually for the benefit of the "majority." Collectivism is therefore the opposite of individualism.
The definition of a
state, accepted both by the individualist anarchists and the collectivist anarchists, is associated with Max Weber's influential definition: the "monopoly on the legitimate use of violence." However, individualist and collectivist anarchists differ on the definition of the word "
violence." Individualist anarchists define the word "violence" as the absence of positive obligations. Collectivist anarchists define the word "violence" as the absence of equality, regardless if "violence" is the absence of either a positive or negative right.
Their definition of violence differ significantly. Marxists usually associate "violence" and "coercion" with the ownership of property. Marxists also associate the words "violence" and "coercion" with selfishness. Individualist anarchists associate "violence" and "coercion" with the violation of private property.
In other words, individualist and collectivist anarchists believe in different definitions of a state. It is possible for collectivist anarchists to advocate a collectively-controlled monopolized army that can behave like a state. The collectively-controlled army can act like "majority rule" so it may prohibit voluntary free market societies, for example, which is a violation of private property. Collectivist anarchists that argue that free-market anarchism is not a form of anarchism must define what a state is prior to their argument.
Collectivist anarchism include
anarcho-communism and
collectivist anarchism (normative). They also include violent movements such as
anarcho-syndicalism. Not all types of anarcho-communism is collectivist, but some people see anarcho-communism as bad.
Individualist anarchists often include free-market anarchists. However, Benjamin Tucker indentified his philosophy Anarchistic-Socialism. This is because
socialism is any philosophy that would solve the labor problem. However the word "socialism" is monopolized by Marxists.
Brad Sprangler even identified free-market anarchism as a kind of socialism. Many individuals such as Ludwig von Mises and Hayek often mistake the term "socialism" with a "
planned economy," in their economic calculation argument. The economic calculation argument applies to planned economies, not necessary socialist economies such as mutualism™.
To equate the "free market" with "
capitalism" is contradictory. Capitalism is
historically defined as a system of exploitation. Capital means wealth. A capitalist is a holder of capital. Capitalism is a social arrangement in which the capitalists invest in robbers and murderers to reap more profit; while simutaneously funding media and state propaganda to delude the citizens that the robbers and murderers are helping "the common good." Therefore, the term
anarcho-capitalism, coined by Murry N. Rothbard, is contradictory. Free-market anarchism should be used instead. Neoliberalism is derived from classical liberalism, which is a synonym of capitalism. These words should be avoided.
Definitions should be taken literally, or their historic definitions. Definitions should not be defined by the "majority." Even if 99.99% of people define socialism as state ownership of the means of production, the definition should not be taken. Individualist anarchism should be taken literally, it must include free-market anarchism and exclude the 19th-century "individualist" anarchists.
Some collectivist anarchists believe that voluntary free market communes in anarchy is incompatible with collectivist anarchism. This is because, possibly, according to Marxism, that the free market is often associated with imperialism, and that the free market communes would wage war with voluntary socialist communes and turn them into a free market one. Conversely, some free-market anarchists,
such as Murray Rothbard, oppose voluntary communist communes because the communists may take over the free market societies and turn them to a communist one.
The term
libertarian socialism is defined by collectivist anarchists to include collectivist anarchism other forms of anti-authoritarian communism such as council communism. However, free-market anarchism should be a form of libertarian socialism because it focuses on abolishing the oppressive nature of capitalism.
According to the historic definitions of "
left" and "
right", the right advocates elitism, social order, rule of law, cultural conservatism and aristocracy. The left is any philosophy that opposes the right. Therefore, arguably, all free-market anarchists are leftists. However, some argue that it is possible for free-market anarchists to oppose immigration and advocate traditional culture. These are right-libertarians. Paleolibertarians are a kind of right-libertarianism.
Left-libertarians, however advocate radical revolutionary anarchism and opposes aristocracy, social order, rule of law, cultural conservatism, etc. Agorists are a kind of left-libertarianism. Geoanarchism are sometimes considered a kind of left-libertarianism because of their egalitarian belief in land possession.
The terms "
radical," "
liberal" and "
conservative" do not have any correlation with the terms "left" and "right" outside of the United States. Liberalism outside of the United States is often associated with right-wing neoliberalism. The term "radical" can also mean fascist Germany. It is possible to have a "radical right-libertarian" that promotes racial inequality, for example.
The terms "left" and "right" should not be confused with the current corrupt definitions. Left and right is corrupted by the duo-party system caused from voting systems.
Some collectivist anarchists also identify themselves as left-libertarians. They are wrong. They are confused with the free market. Epistemological objectivists would feel frustrated at the collectivist anarchists who identify themselves as left-libertarians. These collectivist anarchists that identify themselves as left-libertarians are irrational.
Collectivist anarchists are highly irrational because they believe that a free market force the most productive to outcompete the less productive. They do not hold the idea that the profits made by the workers are proportional to the productivity or how hard they have worked. In a free market static economy, workers would be compensated approximately to how much labor they did, assuming perfect equalness in ability.
The
labor theory of value, however, is not an approximation value in a free market, even if workers have perfect equalness in ability. The raw materials are seperate from the labor so produce is more expensive than labor. The raw materials, such as water and diamonds, are driven by marginal utility. The average cost of digging a diamond is much higher than average cost of buying a diamond. Even that the average amount of labor for digging diamonds is lower than the average amount of labor for digging gold, diamonds are much more expensive because of greater marginal utility.
The criteria that a philosophy falls under "individualism" or "collectivism" depends on the definition of "negative liberty" and "positive liberty." If the labor theory of property does not contradict negative liberty, then free-market anarchists are individualist anarchists. If the "possession" argument advocated by mutualism™ does not contradict negative liberty then mutualism™ is a kind of individualist anarchism. If it actually contradicts, then it would be collectivist anarchism. The range which the anarchist philosophies fall under individualism or collectivism requires the definition of individualism and collectivism.
Free-market anarchists believe in the non-aggression axiom plus the labor theory of property.
Geoanarchists believe in free-market anarchism, with the restriction of conditional titles on land called possession.
Tuckerites are geoanarchists but with the LTV and restriction on rent and interest.
Mutualism™ are Tuckerites with LTV that hold the "possession" idea on all property, not just land.
So how "
possession" idea would be enforced in anarchism? The only way that they can be enforced is coercively by like a dictatorship by the proletariat. Even though the
means of mutualism™ is theoretically different than free-market anarchism, their
ends may be the same. Free-market anarchism and Mutualism™ have a lot similar if the "possession" idea was dropped out. Mutualism™ is an nothing but an extension of free-market anarchism that includes the homesteading theory on unused goods (not just unowned goods).
There is a problem with the
use-right property theory. It
disallows individuals to buy land for exclusive ownership of property so they can invest such as a football field or a private park. If individuals want to share unpossessed property, they would simply offer rents for using their property. If they do not want to share their unpossessed property by rent, then it implicitly suggests that the unpossessed property is possession. Therefore, claiming that one has the use-right of a function of an object is an act of theft unless consent from the owner. Both the possession theory and use-rights contradict negative liberty, so mutualism™ is not a kind of individualist anarchism. But all free-market anarchists are mutualists.
Also,
Dmitry Chernikov's theory is irrelavant because it grants one person to own an entire continent because of his "plan." This causes monopoly and unfairness. The labor theory of property does not prohibit an individual to plan a peace of land to own a football field, it just a theory of original appropriation. If the person wants to own an entire continent, he must buy all his competitors. The labor theory of property is best.
The definition of "
libertarianism" is normative, which differs from various anarchist ideologies. Epistemological objectivists may not consider collectivist anarchism a branch of libertarianism because of the flawed economics (by some) may result in
authoritarianism.
Often, collectivist anarchists believe in aggression that can be equated to theft in some cases. They do not have any unified ideology, and its internal disagreements are much more intense and diverse than the disagreements between the free-market anarchists and the mutualists™.
Collectivist anarchists are ignorant about the free market. They have many internal contradictions. Free-market anarchism presents a much more unified ideology.